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HIV Services Branch

We assessed their preferences for HIV self-testing versus standard provider-delivered testing. We also carried out in-depth interviews with women selected from among those who opted for self-testing, to explore their preferences around distribution and support strategies. In Malawi the peer-distribution model proposed in the formative research was implemented, whereby self-testing kits are distributed by other sex workers.

During the implementation phase, from February to July , we conducted a descriptive analysis of the uptake of self-testing kits and use of post-test support. We explored the acceptability and feasibility of the peer-distribution model though a process evaluation with focus group discussions with female sex workers and peer distributors. Once self-testing distribution was initiated, we established a parallel system for social harm monitoring and reporting through cross-sectional surveys and event diary reporting by female sex workers who received test kits, carried out from February to November Distribution via community outreach began in September and secondary distribution of self-test kits for sexual partners was introduced in October We analysed routine programme data through September to describe uptake of self-testing by female sex workers and the number of self-test kits which female sex workers accepted for secondary distribution to their regular partners or clients.

During this period, we explored additional approaches to HIV self-testing service provision in Zimbabwe through focus group discussions with stakeholders, including female sex workers, peer educators and service providers. In the initial formative assessment, we found high acceptability of self-testing among female sex workers. We found high accuracy of HIV self-testing when combined with pictorial instructions for use and an instructional video. When we consider one report of an unsure self-test result as false positive, specificity is During the rapid assessment in Malawi we identified three categories of female sex worker: bar-based, street-based and home-based.

Street-based female sex workers were hard to reach for services, although, along with home-based workers, were more independent and tended to have stronger support networks than bar-based workers. All female sex workers were highly mobile, following periodic transaction sex markets, although bar-based female sex workers were less so. Alcohol use was common and was a feature of transactions and negotiations with clients. Concerns about how to securely store kits led to the decision for weekly stocks to be delivered to peer distributors, although this proved logistically difficult to maintain.

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There were also concerns about whether peer distributors would maintain confidentiality. Suggestions for promotion of HIV self-testing were via mass media, pamphlets or posters at beer-halls and clinics, and peer education and outreach. In qualitative analysis from in-depth interviews with 31 female sex workers, women reported recognizing their high risk of being HIV-positive and wanting to access onsite confirmatory testing and ART if needed.

The women were also concerned that others would find out if they took the self-test kit home. Female sex workers reported being attracted to HIV self-testing for its novelty and the chance to be among the first to try it. They endorsed the video instructions in the local language as easy to understand. Although most women would recommend self-testing to clients, the nature of the relationship was critical in this respect, with fears of discouraging irregular clients and otherwise little motivation to discuss HIV self-testing during a brief sexual encounter.

A minority of participants indicated they would find client self-testing informative as a measure of transmission risk, which would help maintain their HIV-negative status. Willingness to discuss HIV self-testing with regular sexual partners and clients was higher.

Bulletin of the World Health Organization

Implementation in Malawi started with recruitment and training of 28 peer distributors in January including one lead peer-distributor from each district. Eight peer educators were dropped due to poor performance, and five new distributors were trained in their place. Over the 6-month study period, a total of test kits were distributed by 25 peer distributors. However, this is likely imprecise because late reading has been associated with inflated estimates of positivity. Problems included female sex workers presenting at a range of health-care facilities, making tracking difficult and high rates of previously known HIV-positive status through the standard HIV testing services provided by Pakachere Institute.

In the cohort study of social harm, none of the female sex workers who self-tested reported any experiences of social harm, despite there being systems in place to do so. Some female sex workers reported regretting testing. Some women experienced physical violence, mostly perpetrated by an established partner, linked to disclosure of results or requesting that a partner also test and typically in the context of pre-existing relationship violence. No women reported breaches in confidentiality by peer distributors. Peer distributors reported experiences of social stigma, questioning of their credentials and low-grade violence by female sex workers who self-tested and other community members.

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Analysis of focus group discussion data from the process evaluation indicated that many peer distributors assumed anyone refusing HIV self-testing was likely already known to be HIV-positive. Therefore, we anticipate that re-testing among known HIV-positive women already linked to care was common, as has been identified in previous research in Malawi. Peer distributors managed the demonstration of HIV self-testing with ease, but high demand was hindered by difficulty in resupplying test kits weekly. We identified additional distribution challenges including alcohol-related issues for some female sex workers, and concerns that the peer distributors wanted to steal their clients.

They considered this approach better than clinic-based testing, describing it as convenient, confidential, flexible, less costly, easy to use and less intrusive for individuals in high-risk occupations. The women perceived peer distributors as individuals who maintained the voluntary nature of the process and who understood and safeguarded the privacy of self-testers, and this made peer distributors feel accepted and respected. However, coverage of a peer-led model was perceived to be restricted to people who encountered the distributor, therefore ignoring hidden female sex workers and those working in high-risk environments.

Distribution of test kits was not possible where potential testers were drunk or were working. We present some perspectives from qualitative research of female sex workers and other stakeholders on acceptability of HIV self-testing, linkage to post-test services and HIV self-testing distribution models. It was our decision. It was up to us to disclose. They should be maintained because they kept our information safe. Maybe I would have snatched her partner or client the previous day… She might not give me the kit even if I want it because… she will be frustrated with me.

Plus, they can take these kits and misuse them giving to her relatives instead of giving to sex workers. All those confirmed positive were referred for HIV care. Additional approaches to provision of HIV self-testing were explored in 15 focus group discussions with 7—10 participants each. Doing it is evil, why? It is based in to please men, while the Bible says you should pray, you should read the Bible. It should not be encouraged Neil, 25 y.

Only a few respondents said that they did not have a clear stand on LME. According to some respondents, they would appreciate if more research be conducted on the health risks that are associated with LME:. It might be a cultural practice that is not safe. Or it may be safe. So more research must be done so that my girls will be more informed Daniel, 26 y. However, the male respondents of this study are able to describe how the elongated labia minora, which they termed matinji , are achieved. The men also hold knowledge about the age at which the girls start elongating, who is responsible for instructing the girls, and even some of the herbs or substances that are employed to aid the pulling.

The discussion held with the group of five female key informants from Chitungwiza was helpful to corroborate the accuracy of the information on the procedure of labial elongation that was provided by the male respondents. An area in which men lack knowledge, however, is around other vaginal practices in which their female partners might engage in. The participants of this study mentioned that some women engage in LME to prevent their male partners from seeking sexual experiences with other women.

Nevertheless, from the narratives of the male respondents, it is not possible to conclude that men might be unfaithful if their female partners had not elongated their labia minora. Reasons, aside from lack of compliance with LME, which lead some men to seek sex outside marriage must be explored in future studies. On the contrary, as mentioned above, it is widely perceived as a cultural practice that benefits the sexual health of both partners because it aims to enhance the sexual experience.

No other symptoms, such as irritation, itching, swelling, and dyspaurenia, which are, together with pain, the most common adverse effects of LME reported by participants of the household survey in Tete, Mozambique Hull et al.

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However, some of the themes that emerged in this study deserve a more thorough analysis, such as if, as some respondents discussed, the instructions that girls receive at the age when they start LME might mislead them to early sexual initiation and unprotected sex with multiple partners. Some of the findings from the male respondents of this study suggest that LME is becoming less prevalent in urban areas in Zimbabwe.

They noted such beliefs, as the practice not being a prerequisite for marriage, many men not being willing to see their daughters being instructed in this tradition, and the majority of the respondents considering that there is no difference in sexual pleasure that related to whether or not their partners complied with LME. However, secrecy around these practices impedes communication between men and women.

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Lack of communication means that men might not be knowledgeable about the implications for sexual health that may derive from some traditional practices, such as intravaginal insertion of certain corrosive substances. An important advocacy point is the promotion of discussion and information-sharing forums between men and women. Comprehensive sex education targeting men can help to address the misunderstandings that men hold around traditional genital practices and their role in female health, sexuality and marriage Ragab et al. No significant differences were found regarding the socio-demographic variables collected.

A more specific exploration into male and female traditional genital practices and its health implications must be achieved by implementing quantitative studies using questionnaires that can incorporate items to explore some of the themes emerged from this study and from previous research that have been published elsewhere Ray et al. This is another field that relates to notions of male sexuality and masculinity that this study did not explore in depth and that deserve further consideration. The narratives of the respondents of this study, in considering LME as a practice that might enhance the sexual experience for some men and women, do not sustain Kanchense , Thabethe and Marsh et al.

More research is necessary, however, to determine how consistent with the hypothesis of Marsh et al.